VLADIMIR PUTIN
ARCHIVE OF THE OFFICIAL SITE
OF THE 2008-2012 PRIME MINISTER
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
VLADIMIR PUTIN
ARCHIVE OF THE OFFICIAL SITE
OF THE 2008-2012 PRIME MINISTER
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
VLADIMIR PUTIN
Des milliers de manifestants ont protesté dans plusieurs villes de Russie, samedi 31 janvier, mécontentés par la crise et la politique du gouvernement. A Moscou, le rassemblement, de faible envergure, a été contré par 8 000 policiers anti-émeutes. Déployés dans les moindres recoins du centre, ils donnaient à la capitale l'aspect d'une ville en état de siège.
Sir, Your editorial "Approach Russia with great caution" (January 30) accuses Vladimir Putin, Russia's prime minister, of ‘anti-US bile' and of ‘crowing over the US's role in causing the crisis' in his speech to the World Economic Forum in Davos.
The Kremlin's rule is beginning to look much shakier than at any time since Vladimir Putin came to power, after a series of protests in cities across its vast landmass this weekend by Russians disgruntled about the economy. And as the country starts to feel the effects of the global credit crunch, there are also signs of a growing rift between Prime Minister Putin, and his hand-picked successor as President, Dmitry Medvedev.
"Le communisme, c'est les soviets et l'électricité", disait Lénine, "le poutinisme, c'est le gaz et la télévision", estime l'ancien vice-premier ministre Boris Nemtsov, passé à l'opposition. A cette liste, il convient depuis peu d'ajouter le cinéma. Depuis décembre, l'avenir du 7e art est entre les mains du premier ministre Vladimir Poutine, qui a pris la tête d'une nouvelle agence gouvernementale chargée de favoriser son essor.
"How could we have been so stupid?" That was the refrain of several experts at a session of the World Economic Forum last week about "What Went Wrong" to produce the global financial crisis. Not that they had been wrong, mind you. It being Davos, the chosen commentators had mostly been right in warning several years ago of disaster ahead. But there was at least a note of collective chagrin.
Over the last eight years, as Vladimir V. Putin has amassed ever more power, Russians have often responded with a collective shrug, as if to say: Go ahead, control everything - as long as we can have our new cars and amply stocked supermarkets, our sturdy ruble and cheap vacations in the Turkish sun.
Vladimir Putin, the Russian prime minister, does not make it easy to grasp the barbed olive branch that he may be trying to offer. Speaking at the Davos gathering of world leaders, he called for global co-operation in response to the global economic crisis. And he made the not unhelpful, though hardly original, suggestion that "excessive dependence" on the US dollar as the single reserve currency was "dangerous for the global economy".
The leaders of China and Russia on Wednesday turned the tables on their western counterparts who have dictated the world's economic agenda, lecturing them for policy failures they said had led to the global financial crisis.
The titans of Russia's energy industry gathered around an enormous map showing the route of a proposed new pipeline in Siberia. It would cost billions and had been years in the planning. After listening to their presentation, President Vladimir Putin frowned, got up from his chair, whipped out a felt pen and redrew the map right in front of the embarrassed executives, who quickly agreed that he was right.
Le World Economic Forum s’est ouvert avec les discours successifs des premiers ministres chinois et russe. Ils désignent les responsables de la crise, Etats-Unis en tête, et proposent leurs remèdes.
Alexej Mordaschow ist nicht in Stimmung. Vielleicht liegt es daran, dass der russische Stahlbaron, der auch Großaktionär beim Touristikkonzern TUI ist, in den vergangenen Monaten an der Börse rund 20 Milliarden Dollar verloren hat und daran, dass sein Stahlkonzern Severstal jetzt nur noch 2,5 Milliarden Dollar wert ist. Wie sich die russischen Unternehmer hier in Davos fühlen? "Da fragen Sie am besten unseren Premier Putin", sagt der Oligarch, lacht lauthals, dreht sich um und vertieft sich demonstrativ wieder ins Programm des World Economic Forum.
Dawno już Donald Tusk nie był tak zadowolony jak po spotkaniu z Władimirem Putinem. Uśmiechów było naprawdę dużo, jednak konkretów mało. "Problem z dostawami gazu do Polski prawdopodobnie zostanie rozwiązany" - zapewnił Tusk, nie zdradzając żadnych szczegółów rozwiązania tej kwestii. Twardy fakt jest jeden - rosyjski premier przyjął zaproszenie i przyjedzie do Warszawy.
The good news for Vladimir Putin as a famously keen skier is that the snow is close to perfect. The bad news is that he opens the World Economic Forum in Davos today diminished as an international figure by the global financial crisis, and challenged at home as Prime Minister in ways he never was as President.
For nearly three weeks earlier this month, Russia and Ukraine were locked in a dispute over the price Kiev was to pay for Russian gas. As the two sides bickered, Russia shut off all gas supplies to Ukraine, while paying customers in Eastern Europe who depend on Gazprom's supplies had to endure freezing temperatures. Bulgaria declared a national emergency and vowed to reopen a Soviet-era nuclear power station to ensure its energy independence. Both sides called it a purely commercial dispute, but politicians in Kiev charge that the gas war has something to do with the Kremlin's dislike of Ukraine's pro-Western, pro-European Union president. The role of RosUkrEnergo, a gas trading company that has acted as a middleman, has also been attacked for allegedly giving kickbacks to top politicians on both sides. Russia switched the gas back on last week-but on Monday Kiev called for a new round of talks to decide future prices, raising the specter of renewed new gas warfare. NEWSWEEK's Anna Nemtsova spoke to Ukraine's deputy Prime Minister Hryhoriy Nemyria who, along with Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, played a key role in resolving the dispute.
In a bid to gain the vote of the Russian immigrants in the elections, Labor leader and Defense Minister Ehud Barak will quote Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's statement about killing Chechen terrorists "on the toilet."
Moscow Correspondent of The Times assesses the turnaround in fortunes for Russia's Prime Minister ahead of his Davos address.
Since failing to be invited to begin negotiations for NATO membership in the spring of 2008 -- primarily because of Russian opposition -- Georgia and Ukraine each appear to have engineered a crisis with Russia in an attempt to demonize it in the West.
Une nuit de pourparlers entre le premier ministre russe, Vladimir Poutine, et son homologue ukrainienne, Ioulia Timochenko, aura suffi pour que le gaz coule à nouveau vers l'Europe mais la crise est-elle bien finie ? Le Vieux Continent n'est pas à l'abri d'une nouvelle conflagration entre les deux voisines slaves, en désaccord sur le gaz, sur le tracé de leur frontière, sur le stationnement de la flotte russe en Crimée, sur l'Histoire.
Was ist von „Putin nach Putin" zu erwarten? In EU-Europa, wo ständig die Angst vor den aggressiven Russen geschürt wird und davor, dass sie das Gas abdrehen könnten, wird übersehen, dass längst viel mehr im Gange ist: „Am fernen Horizont sind die Konturen einer neuen Weltordnung" sichtbar, schreibt Alexander Rahr. Und er beschreibt auch wie diese aussehen kann. Dazu stützt er sich auf Informationen aus dem Kreml und solchen, die ihm beim fünften Treffen der Mitglieder des Waldai-Klubs im Kaukasus zuteil wurden.
Was ist von „Putin nach Putin" zu erwarten? In EU-Europa, wo ständig die Angst vor den aggressiven Russen geschürt wird und davor, dass sie das Gas abdrehen könnten, wird übersehen, dass längst viel mehr im Gange ist: „Am fernen Horizont sind die Konturen einer neuen Weltordnung" sichtbar, schreibt Alexander Rahr. Und er beschreibt auch wie diese aussehen kann. Dazu stützt er sich auf Informationen aus dem Kreml und solchen, die ihm beim fünften Treffen der Mitglieder des Waldai-Klubs im Kaukasus zuteil wurden.
The administrations of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Vladimir Putin in Russia are enjoying a robust, burgeoning friendship. Though they are separated by 6,000 miles, the two leaders» bond is sealed not only by their similar tastes for repressive authoritarianism, oil expropriations and large arms deals but also by parallel trends of increasing violence and murder on the streets of their cities.
Es war Tag elf der Gasblockade, als Russlands Regierungschef in Dresden einen Dankesorden erhielt. Damit nicht genug der Verrücktheiten: Putin war ausgerechnet in Dresden über Jahre für den KGB tätig. Und am Ende des Abends mahnte er noch eine gefälligere Berichterstattung über Russland an.
The world enters 2009 with Russia in play in a way it hasn't seen in decades. The relevant comparison isn't 1998, when the Russians engaged in default and devaluation but remained within the bounds of their existing political and economic system (as Lenin said, two steps forward, one step back). The history to consider is 1989--as key aspects of the Russian system could change for the worse.
SPEAKING TO a group of foreign investors on October 20, 2008, Russia's prime minister, Vladimir Putin, boasted that in contrast to policy makers around the world, including those in the leading international financial institutions, he had not been caught unawares by the present financial crisis. While "all of them" were unprepared, he said, "we did not allow ourselves to be caught by surprise. When we formulated our long-term economic and financial policy, we took into account potential risks and threats." Alluding to his insistence on building up huge financial reserves, Putin noted, "We were sometimes even criticized for being too conservative. Well, I think that conservatism proved justified."
An overnight outline deal struck by the prime ministers of Russia and Ukraine aims to restore gas supplies to eastern Europe, crippled since Jan. 7 in a dispute between Moscow and Kiev over prices.
Following is a look at who stands to win and lose from the dispute and its apparent resolution.
15. Januar 2009 Vieles ist undurchsichtig im Gaskonflikt zwischen Russland und der Ukraine, aber manches ist klar. Wie schon im August, als Wladimir Putin Panzer nach Georgien rollen ließ, sind die Verdächtigungen und Verleumdungen, die beide Seiten täglich gegeneinanderschleudern, vorerst kaum auf ihren wahren Kern zu überprüfen. Hat die Ukraine ihre Rechnungen bezahlt? Hat sie Gas „gestohlen", wie Moskau das behauptet? Wer versperrt die Rohre?
Britain and Germany piled the pressure on Moscow and Kiev today to settle their gas row and resume normal supplies to all members of the European Union as the energy crisis entered a critical phase.
Europe's big countries weighed in to try to force Russia to resume natural-gas supplies to the Continent via Ukraine, warning Moscow long-term relations could be damaged if it doesn't start pumping gas soon.
Für alle, deren Heizung noch glüht und denen der Sinn nach Theater steht, ist der russisch-ukrainische Gasstreit ein schaurig-schönes Schauspiel. Da sieht man zwei Brüder, von denen jeder dem anderen an die Gurgel geht und dabei Verwünschungen röchelt. Der große Bruder hat von der verstorbenen Sowjetunion die wichtigsten Gasquellen geerbt, der kleine die wichtigsten Gasspeicher und -röhren. Aber das geteilte Erbe lässt sich nicht in seinen Teilen nutzen, und so kann jeder den anderen erpressen. Oder es jedenfalls versuchen, bis ihm die Luft ausgeht. Dieser Moment scheint soeben erreicht: Mit der Einigung über die Entsendung von Beobachtern scheint sich der Griff an die Gurgel des anderen erstmals zu lösen.
Chi comanda davvero in Russia? Fino a poche settimane fa la risposta era ovvia: il presidente è Medvedev, ma il capo è Putin, sebbene nelle vesti di semplice primo ministro. Una coppia collauditissima, indistruttibile, dicevano gli esperti di vicende russe; perché i due sono legati da un'amicizia fraterna e soprattutto perché il giovane capo del Cremlino non ha carisma, né potere politico, contrariamente al suo mentore che controlla il Kgb e gran parte della nomenklatura del Paese.
Russia signed off on a new agreement for fuel deliveries to Europe, resolving its gas cutoff crisis with Ukraine. But much of what it did this weekend should warn Europe it's time to look for another supplier.
Bronwen Maddox's assessment of the gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine (World briefing, Jan 8) fails to reflect the reality of the situation. This is not a crisis of Mr Putin's making. It is the result of Ukraine's flagrant violation of its commercial and legal obligations as a transit country, set out in the bilateral agreement between Russia and Ukraine, and as stipulated in Article 7 of the European Energy Charter.
Die EU - das beste Bündnissystem, das Europa je hatte. Dann kam Putin. Seine Pipeline-Welt symbolisiert ein anderes Mächtemodell - und die neue Abhängigkeit Europas.
Ein Kommentar von S. Kornelius
THE gas man cometh: the EU and Russian monitors assembled in Kiev for the biggest meter-reading in history are symptomatic of a new era of politico- economic games playing. Vladimir Putin, fresh from inflicting humiliation on Georgia, has begun to flex his muscles in other areas by cutting off gas supplies to Ukraine.
WITH JUST over a week to go before Barack Obama takes over the US presidency, it's obvious that the charismatic senator from Illinois is set fair to be the main mover and shaker of 2009. For a start he's moving into the world's most covetable address, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Then there's the not-so-little matter of the fact that he's not George W Bush. That counts for a lot, and great things are expected of Obama, provided always that he doesn't suffer from vertigo.
Three years ago, the Europeans were jolted when a gas-pricing scuffle between Russia and Ukraine briefly cut gas supplies to Europe. That led to a lot of talk about the need for a unified European Union stance toward Russia - and a rush by a few members to cut separate deals with Moscow. Now that it's happening again, and with far greater disruptions, the only surprise is that anyone's surprised.
On the surface, the battle between Russia and Ukraine that has choked off natural-gas supplies to much of Europe in the dead of a cold winter is a purely commercial dispute. Deeper down, it's something more menacing -- part of what looks like a calculated strategy by Russia to regain influence over countries that were once part of the Soviet empire and to neutralize European opposition.
Na swoim gazie, czy raczej na jego braku Moskwa piecze kilka pieczeni. Dowodzi partnerom z UE, że bez gazociągów na dnie Bałtyku i Morza Czarnego, które chciałby zbudować Gazprom, Europie grozi katastrofa i stara się skompromitować i doprowadzić do upadku prezydenta Ukrainy Wiktora Juszczenkę.
Not yet, but things could change if unemployment and social unrest continue to escalate. It's been hard not to look at Vladimir Putin and see a man who is powerful, and knows it. Yet, things could be about to change for Russia's commanding prime minister.
It is hard to see Vladimir Putin's gas war paying off. Yesterday, in ordering Gazprom to turn off the tap to the European pipelines running through Ukraine, he made it into a challenge to the EU, not just to the perpetually collapsing Government in Kiev. The Russian Prime Minister makes no secret of his determination to use the state gas monopoly as a weapon. Any pretence that this is a commercial row between a gas supplier and a customer is ridiculous.
On a réveillé l'ours qui dormait paisiblement, et le voilà qui saccage la forêt." Claude Mandil, directeur de l'Agence internationale de l'énergie (AIE) jusqu'en 2007, citait il y a quelques mois ce proverbe russe pour résumer l'attitude des Européens dans le conflit larvé sur le gaz qui les oppose à leur puissant voisin. Une manière imagée de dire qu'il vaut mieux négocier sereinement avec la Russie. Elle a toujours été un "fournisseur fiable", rappelle Gérard Mestrallet, PDG de GDF Suez, premier distributeur européen. Y compris aux pires moments de la guerre froide ou dans les années 1990, quand la transition du communisme au capitalisme aboutit à un délitement du pays.
Geopolitics: Six countries have their gas supplies cut off in the dead of winter by a Russia determined to regain its former empire and influence. The pipelines run through Ukraine. Welcome to the new "cold" war.
The Russian leader points to Ukraine and the US for his economic woes. He should look in the mirror.
The Russian leader orders the suspension of gas deliveries to Europe. Is Ukraine really to blame?
Five months after sending Russian tanks into Georgia, Vladimir Putin has turned his sights to another pesky democratic neighbor, Ukraine. His weapon of choice this time is natural gas. Try to ignore the noise about transit fees, back payments and market prices. Here's the salient fact about the conflict between Russia and Ukraine over gas supplies: Russia's strongman is wielding the energy club to undermine the pro-Western government in Kiev and scare the European Union into submission. The strategic stakes are as great as in Georgia last summer.
Neither party is innocent in the gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine that is currently gripping Europe, but the former deserves most of the blame for a debacle that may leave millions without heat during a brutal cold snap.
AT 1000 HOURS ON New Year's Day, the Russian state-controlled natural gas monopoly, Gazprom, shut down natural gas deliveries to Ukraine -- the second supply cut in three years. Russia's justification for trying to freeze its neighbor in the middle of winter is that Kiev is over $2 billion in arrears and has refused a 2009 price hike that more than doubles the 2008 rate.
Ukrainians whose gas supplies have been cut off by their former Russian masters must be quaking to hear that, according to Vladimir Putin, "people who live in countries who are neighbours do understand each other and do hear each other better. For instance, if you take the trans-border countries of Russia and Ukraine, sometimes you cannot tell where there are more Russians or where there are more Ukrainians. The ethnicities, they are so mixed that they create a combination, a symbiosis of cultures . . ."
As Russia's economy crashes, No. 1 looks out for himself.
Russlands Staatschef Medwedjew unterschreibt eine Verfassungsänderung, die die Amtszeit des Präsidenten verlängert - profitieren dürfte Premier Putin.
