VLADIMIR PUTIN
ARCHIVE OF THE OFFICIAL SITE
OF THE 2008-2012 PRIME MINISTER
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
VLADIMIR PUTIN
ARCHIVE OF THE OFFICIAL SITE
OF THE 2008-2012 PRIME MINISTER
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
VLADIMIR PUTIN
The administrations of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Vladimir Putin in Russia are enjoying a robust, burgeoning friendship. Though they are separated by 6,000 miles, the two leaders» bond is sealed not only by their similar tastes for repressive authoritarianism, oil expropriations and large arms deals but also by parallel trends of increasing violence and murder on the streets of their cities.
Es war Tag elf der Gasblockade, als Russlands Regierungschef in Dresden einen Dankesorden erhielt. Damit nicht genug der Verrücktheiten: Putin war ausgerechnet in Dresden über Jahre für den KGB tätig. Und am Ende des Abends mahnte er noch eine gefälligere Berichterstattung über Russland an.
The world enters 2009 with Russia in play in a way it hasn't seen in decades. The relevant comparison isn't 1998, when the Russians engaged in default and devaluation but remained within the bounds of their existing political and economic system (as Lenin said, two steps forward, one step back). The history to consider is 1989--as key aspects of the Russian system could change for the worse.
SPEAKING TO a group of foreign investors on October 20, 2008, Russia's prime minister, Vladimir Putin, boasted that in contrast to policy makers around the world, including those in the leading international financial institutions, he had not been caught unawares by the present financial crisis. While "all of them" were unprepared, he said, "we did not allow ourselves to be caught by surprise. When we formulated our long-term economic and financial policy, we took into account potential risks and threats." Alluding to his insistence on building up huge financial reserves, Putin noted, "We were sometimes even criticized for being too conservative. Well, I think that conservatism proved justified."
An overnight outline deal struck by the prime ministers of Russia and Ukraine aims to restore gas supplies to eastern Europe, crippled since Jan. 7 in a dispute between Moscow and Kiev over prices.
Following is a look at who stands to win and lose from the dispute and its apparent resolution.
15. Januar 2009 Vieles ist undurchsichtig im Gaskonflikt zwischen Russland und der Ukraine, aber manches ist klar. Wie schon im August, als Wladimir Putin Panzer nach Georgien rollen ließ, sind die Verdächtigungen und Verleumdungen, die beide Seiten täglich gegeneinanderschleudern, vorerst kaum auf ihren wahren Kern zu überprüfen. Hat die Ukraine ihre Rechnungen bezahlt? Hat sie Gas „gestohlen", wie Moskau das behauptet? Wer versperrt die Rohre?
Britain and Germany piled the pressure on Moscow and Kiev today to settle their gas row and resume normal supplies to all members of the European Union as the energy crisis entered a critical phase.
Europe's big countries weighed in to try to force Russia to resume natural-gas supplies to the Continent via Ukraine, warning Moscow long-term relations could be damaged if it doesn't start pumping gas soon.
Für alle, deren Heizung noch glüht und denen der Sinn nach Theater steht, ist der russisch-ukrainische Gasstreit ein schaurig-schönes Schauspiel. Da sieht man zwei Brüder, von denen jeder dem anderen an die Gurgel geht und dabei Verwünschungen röchelt. Der große Bruder hat von der verstorbenen Sowjetunion die wichtigsten Gasquellen geerbt, der kleine die wichtigsten Gasspeicher und -röhren. Aber das geteilte Erbe lässt sich nicht in seinen Teilen nutzen, und so kann jeder den anderen erpressen. Oder es jedenfalls versuchen, bis ihm die Luft ausgeht. Dieser Moment scheint soeben erreicht: Mit der Einigung über die Entsendung von Beobachtern scheint sich der Griff an die Gurgel des anderen erstmals zu lösen.
Chi comanda davvero in Russia? Fino a poche settimane fa la risposta era ovvia: il presidente è Medvedev, ma il capo è Putin, sebbene nelle vesti di semplice primo ministro. Una coppia collauditissima, indistruttibile, dicevano gli esperti di vicende russe; perché i due sono legati da un'amicizia fraterna e soprattutto perché il giovane capo del Cremlino non ha carisma, né potere politico, contrariamente al suo mentore che controlla il Kgb e gran parte della nomenklatura del Paese.
