VLADIMIR PUTIN
ARCHIVE OF THE OFFICIAL SITE
OF THE 2008-2012 PRIME MINISTER
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
VLADIMIR PUTIN
ARCHIVE OF THE OFFICIAL SITE
OF THE 2008-2012 PRIME MINISTER
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
VLADIMIR PUTIN
Russlands Regierung fürchtet den Rückschritt: Die Wirtschaftskrise gefährdet die seit Jahren anhaltenden Konstanten Wachstum und Wohlstand. Weil ihr die wirtschaftlichen Probleme über den Kopf wachsen, sucht die russische Führung nun verstärkt die Kooperation mit den westlichen Ländern.
Yo, Barack. Over here! - That's the New Year's message blaring from the Kremlin as U.S. President-elect Barack Obama prepares to assume office. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin may no longer head a superpower nation, but they are determined not to be overlooked as world leaders beat a path to the Oval Office.
When a top economic adviser to Vladimir Putin approached his boss in September to argue that the rapid fall in the oil price meant he would have to devalue the rouble, the answer was a firm nyet. "He said he would not be the prime minister of devaluation," one insider said.
During this Christmas season most people wish for peace on Earth and goodwill for their fellow man, but not the rulers of Russia.
Like the Great Depression, the spectre of that financial meltdown, when vast swaths of Russia's middle class saw their savings wiped out, has haunted the population ever since. But unlike North Americans, for whom the Dirty Thirties are a historical relic from another time, Russians experienced this calamity but a decade ago.
The Russian-German Nord Stream pipeline that would run under the Baltic Sea was due to be completed in the coming months, ready to deliver gas by 2010. Once in operation, it would be the realization of Russia's dreams to reduce its dependency on troublesome transit countries, such as Ukraine. It would also be the crowning of the special relationship between Russia and Germany. Nord Stream would run from Vyborg, near St. Petersburg, touching land at Greifswald, on Germany's north-eastern coast. But as of this day, construction has not even begun.
Few U.S. presidents have come to office facing quite the variety of crises that Barack Obama faces, so he may be tempted to put Russia on a back burner - especially as Vladimir Putin is not someone with whom many Americans want to build cooperative relations these days.
Earlier this week, police responded violenty to demonstrations in Russia's Far East over higher import tariffs for cars. The protesters carried signs imploring Prime Minister Vladimir Putin to drive a Volga (a Russian-made car), instead of a Mercedes--a relatively tame demonstration that made the police response all the more unusual. Now a Kremlin official has given some insight into the government's concerns that the country's rising unemployment and slowing economy is leading to social unrest.
"The current situation may aggravate the protest mood caused by discontent among the country's working population over unpaid wages or the threat of layoffs, as well as unpopular measures implemented as part of the anti-crisis program," the government's deputy interior minister, Mikhail Sukhodolsky, was quoted by TradeTheNews.com as saying Wednesday. Later on in the day, a Kremlin official said that a budget deficit in 2009 was likely. It would be the first in a decade.
"Financial Crisis: Recession has left many of the world's worst-run economies in roughly the same condition as General Motors. Russia is one of them, and the World Bank thinks they're going to need a bailout. Not so fast."
"In the latest of a series of combative moves by the Kremlin, a senior government official in Moscow said the Russian military would commission 70 strategic missiles over the next three years."
«This was the year when political labels lost all meaning. With governments of all persuasions nationalising banks and pumping money into the economy what now distinguishes left from right, liberal from conservative, socialist from capitalist, Keynesian from monetarist?»
The Kremlin's plan to extend the term of the Russian presidency to six years from four years received final legislative backing on Monday, but speculation over what the change meant for Vladimir Putin's future showed no signs of abating.
Beneath the façade of normalcy, social and political tensions are brewing in Russia. During a visit to Moscow last week, I was struck that prestigious restaurants were as full as ever, elite boutiques had what looked like a normal share of shoppers and the business-class lounge at Sheremetyevo Airport was crowded with fashionably-dressed Russians leaving for their holiday vacations overseas. In contrast to New York, no major Russian financial institution has gone down so far, and the Russian government has issued regular assurances that it has sufficient reserves in various state-controlled funds to deliver on all of its social commitments to the people. The Russian State Duma, the popularly elected lower chamber of the parliament, is fully controlled by pro-government parties and continues to give President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin an unqualified vote of confidence.
Vladimir Putin has unveiled a triple whammy of threats and provocation for Britain and the West. After a year of difficult relations between the Kremlin and Downing Street, the Russian prime minister showed he was prepared to keep up the pressure on his country's former Cold War foes.
Osteuropaexpertin Angela Stent über die Verbindung zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und Bürgerrechten, die Schwierigkeiten der Nato und die Illusionen der Russen. Angela Stent ist Professorin an der Georgetown-Universität in Washington und Direktorin des Osteuropazentrums. Derzeit forscht sie an der American Academy in Berlin. Mit ihr sprach Richard Herzinger.
In late August, one of Russia's leading opposition figures addressed a small demonstration in downtown Moscow and laid into Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, comparing his rollback of democratic reforms to the attempted coup by Communist Party hard-liners in the last days of the Soviet Union.
"Everything that is going on now very much reminds us of what they wanted to do back in 1991," Nikita Belykh, chairman of the Union of Right Forces party, told the crowd. "We practically have a one-party system. . . . We practically have a state economy, a personality cult, militarization."
Moszkvában bizottságot alakítottak "a válságot követő világpiaci konkurenciaharc akcióprogramjának" kidolgozására. A döntés kissé korainak látszik, hiszen egyelőre a válság enyhítését célzó intézkedések sem vezettek eredményre. Az orosz valutatartaléknak mintegy negyedrészét költötte idáig a kormány egyrészt a bankok, másrészt a rubel megmentésére, ám egyetlen ilyen intervenció sem hozta meg a remélt hatást. A külföldi tulajdonú moszkvai elemző központok azt is kifogásolják, hogy az orosz állam indokolatlan mértékű segítséget nyújt a Kremlhez hű oligarchák hatalmas külföldi hiteleinek törlesztéséhez, miközben nyomorba - nem ritkán a szó szoros értelmében pusztulásba - dönt milliónyi kisembert, aki Vlagyimir Putyinnak a tévékamerák előtt számtalanszor elhangzott biztatására minden megtakarított pénzét részvényvásárlásra költötte.
In Russland protestieren Tausende gegen die Anhebung von Importzöllen für ausländische Gebrauchtwagen. In Wladiwostok hat die Polizei die Kundgebung gewaltsam aufgelöst.
Russia's ruble and its stock market have been sliding since June-down 30 and 70 percent, respectively. Still, the state-controlled media have stuck to the Kremlin line that the economy is doing just fine (the word "crisis" was even banned by producers at one television channel). But the official state of denial is cracking-Prime Minister Vladimir Putin admitted that the nation would be affected by a "global crisis," and Russia's deputy economic development minister recently said, "A recession has started."
In a country where government critics already feel vulnerable, legislation to expand the definition of treason has inspired a new round of hand-wringing about how far the state will go to rein in dissenters and regulate Russians' contact with foreigners.
It's not easy these days to be Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. Everywhere he turns -- economically, politically and militarily -- he, and Russia, has problems.
Russia's oil-fired economic miracle is unraveling as industry shrinks and job losses mount. Now the first stirrings of social unrest have the Kremlin groping for a response.
Rosja stoi na progu recesji i zaburzeń społecznych. Podobnie Ukraina. Nic nie wskazuje na to, by światowy kryzys finansowy wyhamowywał. Przyszły rok upłynie zatem pod znakiem płaczu i zgrzytania zębów - pisze zastępca redaktora naczelnego DZIENNIKA Andrzej Talaga.
Every year, Russia and Ukraine pledge to end their high-stakes annual gas negotiations well before winter. And for the fourth year running, the January 1 contract deadline is looming with no agreement in sight.
For the eight years that he ruled Russia as president, Vladimir Putin enjoyed a fantastic run of luck. He presided over constant economic growth, steadily rising commodity prices - especially for oil and gas - and weak political opposition.
Russia is entering a period of recession, a senior government official said, confirming that the robust economic growth of the past few years has come to an abrupt end.
If you want to take the pulse of Russia, as its oil and gas boom of the past few years comes to a sudden and wrenching stop, leave behind the garish consumerism of Moscow and drive 220 miles (354 km) southwest to the small Russian town of Lyudinovo. For the first part of the five-hour trip the road is a smooth four-lane highway that whisks you past gleaming gas stations and a brand new Samsung TV factory. Then everything slows down. The highway turns single-track and becomes progressively rougher. For the last 20 miles, you bump along the ruts, distracted only by the swaying rows of silver-birch trees that flank the road.
Swimsuit-clad contestants share the stage with patriotism as a pro-Putin youth group puts on a show.
Why did Russia really invade Georgia? In late September, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov appeared before the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and offered a rather stunning explanation. Lavrov--who previously spent a decade as Russia's ambassador to the United Nations, where he mastered the body of international precedents and U.N. Security Council resolutions that together make up the de facto law of nations--informed his audience that, by attacking Georgia, Moscow was implementing a principle endorsed by the Security Council in 2006: the "responsibility to protect."
Anatoly Sisoyev always considered himself a patriot. As a child, he lost his father to an accident in the Soviet space program. As an adult, he served 30 years in the military, retiring at the rank of major. His son followed him into the army and was killed in Chechnya at the age of 18. Through it all, he said, his faith in the Russian government never waned.
Putin and Medvedev are in trouble - and the result may be the return of the Kremlin's authoritarian streak
Die weltweite Wirtschaftskrise hat viele Schauplätze, und sie bringt etliche bedrohliche Szenarien hervor. Doch selbst in diesem düsteren Umfeld hat die russische Volkswirtschaft eine makabre Sonderstellung.
Barack Obama a raison. "Il est important pour nous de reprendre de zéro les relations entre les Etats-Unis et la Russie", a déclaré le président élu, dimanche 7 décembre, à la chaîne NBC. Ces relations sont aujourd'hui un champ de ruines. Même si les canaux de communication n'ont pas été coupés, les spécialistes remarquent que les domaines de négociations sont moins vastes et les contacts moins intenses entre les gouvernements qu'au temps de la guerre froide.
The bitter gas supply dispute between Moscow and Kiev escalated yesterday when Russia's Gazprom revealed the two sides were far from reaching an agreement and warned Ukraine would not be allowed to "steal" gas.
"Zwierzchnikiem Aleksego II był Władimir Putin. Rosyjska Cerkiew Prawosławna jest jedną z instytucji państwowych. Stalin w końcu przerobił ją na jeden z departamentów KGB. I od tamtego czasu nic się nie zmieniło" - mówi Arturowi Ciechanowiczowi z DZIENNIKA Władimir Bukowski, rosyjski pisarz i dysydent. Patriarcha Aleksy II zmarł w piątek po 18 latach rządzenia Cerkwią. ARTUR CIECHANOWICZ: Jakie konsekwencje dla Rosji ma śmierć Aleksego II?
VLADIMIR PUTIN'S unsubtle campaign to intimidate President-elect Barack Obama continues apace. In a broadcast appearance Thursday, the Russian prime minister claimed to have detected some "positive signals" from the incoming administration.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin returned to his favorite method of interfacing with the public Thursday, taking questions for more than three hours via live television hookups around the country, on the Internet, and from a carefully screened studio audience.
Deux évolutions paradoxales, que Nicolas Sarkozy n'avaient pas prévues, auront marqué "sa" présidence de l'Union européenne (UE) : un rapprochement spectaculaire avec la Russie, et à l'inverse, avec la Chine, une relation qui a sombré dans un abîme d'incompréhension et d'acrimonie.
Russia's Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has taken to the airwaves to assuage his people's fears over the country's rapidly accelerating financial crisis, acknowledging that tough times lay ahead but that Russia would survive with "minimal losses".
First, he showed us how to fish with a naked torso and neutralize a tiger. Now, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is giving us a lesson in Communism 101.
As economic crisis begins to take its toll in the shape of employment and rising inflation, Vladimir Putin, the prime minister, sought to reassure Russians by hosting a live three-hour call-in show on TV yesterday.
He is no longer the President but Vladimir Putin sought to assure Russians that he remained firmly in charge during his annual phone-in with the public yesterday.
Il aidera les retraités, les chômeurs, les petites et les grandes entreprises, il offrira une robe de Cendrillon à une fillette, fera payer à l'Ukraine tout ce qu'elle doit et veillera à ce que le Géorgien Mikhaïl Saakachvili soit bien pendu pour ses «crimes»...
Michael Stuermer's survey begins and ends with what was expected to be a defining moment in Russia's chequered post-Soviet history: the departure of Vladimir Putin from the presidency after two four-year terms, and the ascent to power this spring of his protégé, Dmitry Medvedev. In the event, the closing of one Russian chapter and the opening of another turned out to be so predictable, routine almost, that the overriding impression was of continuity rather than change - which is doubtless how Putin intended it, and the vast majority of Russians, desperate for stability after so much upheaval, hoped it would be.
La Géorgie? Une bonne leçon. Les missiles? Inutiles mais bien pour la Pologne. Poutine? Le bon et le mauvais. Lech Walesa reçoit la «Tribune» l'avant-veille de la cérémonie des 25 ans de son Nobel de la paix.
Rosja, ten kolos na glinianych nogach, który ma przerdzewiałą armię, zdychającą gospodarkę i już dawno przestał być mocarstwem, robi z Unią, co chce
You are millions. We are hordes And hordes and hordes. Try and take us on! Yes, we are Scythians! Aleksandr Blok wrote these lines in January 1918, a few weeks after the Bolsheviks disbanded Russia's first freely elected Parliament, plunging the country into a bloody civil war. Of course Russia has changed significantly since then. And yet the famous poem seems uncannily relevant 90 years later.
In the heat of the Georgia crisis in August, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany flew to Russia to warn about the consequences of renewed militarism. Two days later she was in Georgia, voicing support for the country's eventual entry into NATO. Autumn crept in and passions cooled. The beginning of October found Mrs. Merkel back in Russia, looking on as the German utility E.ON and the Russian state energy giant Gazprom signed a significant deal in St. Petersburg, giving the German firm a stake in the enormous Yuzhno-Russkoye natural gas field in Siberia. Mrs. Merkel's shifting focus served as a reminder of the pivotal role played by Germany in shaping the West's relationship with Russia.
Readers sometimes complain that newspapers don't publish more cheerful stories. Eager to oblige, I would point out that, in a week of mostly grim tidings, from economic meltdown to terrorist carnage, there's one bright spot. Ahead of the Nato summit, the US government has said that it will no longer demand "fast-track" membership for Georgia and Ukraine. "I am satisfied common sense prevailed," Dmitri Medvedev, the Russian President, said on Thursday, even if the effect of his words was spoiled slightly by the fact he was in Cuba. The irony passed him by that, if Moscow understandably sees the former Soviet republics as its "near abroad", then that is also how Washington sees Central America and the Caribbean.
