Russia's democracy had distinct liberal leanings in the 1990s. It seemed in those days that the individual liberties the public came to enjoy would inevitably lead to a triumph of freedom and justice in society as a whole and that it would result in the establishment of popular rule. Then democracy was also looked on as a system that provided support for minority groups, whether political, economic, ethnic, religious, or cultural. It was then believed that the more freedoms and opportunities these minorities enjoy, the higher the level of democratic development of a society.
Contrary to expectations, however, Russian society ended up breaking into the "haves" and "have-nots," with the latter group forming an overwhelming majority. It became clear then that these people no longer had any real influence on the the government. Most of the parties that emerged in the ‘90s just before the elections proved short-lived, and they lacked the power to make political decision-making serve the interests of the majority of people rather than the interests of the privileged few.
The situation changed with the advent of Vladimir Putin on the country's political scene and the emergence of his United Russia party, providing opportunities for the public to influence government policies through the ballot box.
Today, Russia is entering a new stage in its democratic development, which could be defined as a participatory democracy. It is no longer enough for citizens to make their voices heard through polls. They also need to participate in the formation of government policies.
There are many vehicles for such participation, the trade union movement being among the most efficient. Trade unions can, indeed, ensure that crucial socio-economic decisions take into account the interests of a large number of those concerned.
This seems to be a much easier task now that a trilateral commission has been formed to bring labour legislation in line with the needs of all sides involved. Comprised of government officials, trade union representatives, and employers, the commission will consider all labour-related bills before they are put up for discussion in the lower house of parliament, the State Duma. The situation is really unique as no labour-related bill will be adopted unless it is approved by the three sides.
If consistent, such a policy could empower the working public to create socio-economic legislation in line with their interests.
The government now appears to seek the support of trade unions. Just one indication is Prime Minister Putin's recent call on trade unions, primarily those in the public health sector, to contribute to medical insurance reform. Their backing and efficient control could, indeed, prove vital to the success of the reform, with an additional 460 billion roubles earmarked to improve the foundations of the country's healthcare system.
The improvements are envisaged as a part of reforms that involve renovating hospital and clinic buildings, purchasing new medical equipment, rewarding healthcare workers with benefits for excellent performance, and so on.
Putin urged trade unions to monitor the use of the allocated money, ensuring that it really helps improve the quality of medical services for the public, while also strengthening the safety net for those employed in the sector.
The government now seeks to rely on trade unions as an independent regulator, which was an approach that was unheard of as recently as a decade ago, and it marks a new stage in the development of social partnership.
Today, thanks to policies put forward by President Dmitri Medvedev , Vladimir Putin and the United Russia party, no important labour-related decision will be made without consultations with trade unions.
This was what Putin himself spoke about as he met with trade union representatives on June 1. He then reminded his audience of the government's decision to raise the minimum wage to the subsistence level. That decision, made at the very outset of the economic downturn, helped soften the blow of the economic downturn for many vulnerable Russian households.
Another crucial decision recently made by the government was to replace the social tax with insurance premium payments into specific extrabudgetary funds, including the Pension Fund, the Social Insurance Fund, and the Medical Insurance Fund. This was done in response to a demand from trade unions.
While the governments of many European countries decrease public-sector salaries and retirement benefits, and raise the minimum retirement age, Russia's leadership continues to meet welfare obligations previously taken up and even to assume new ones, including higher pension benefits.
In line with this latter commitment, employers will have to make additional payments into the Pension Fund. Pensions have already been raised for specific categories of retirees, such as miners and individuals who have worked in subpolar regions as well as salaries for those working in the public sector. This measure was previously discussed with trade unions, and this discussion was difficult, as the government just could not afford to support all of their demands. But the discussions were open and frank.
The controversies that exist today between different social groups do not make Russia a stronger nation. But we all aspire to make this country powerful and prosperous. To be able to achieve this shared goal, we should try to find ways to reconcile conflicting interests, including those of the employers and employees. If we do not make compromises for the sake of social harmony, we may face social upheavals. Greece, Hungary, Spain, and the Baltic states are just several of the European countries that have already found themselves on the brink of dramatic social conflicts.
Strange as it may seem, these nations now repeat some of the errors that Russia committed back in the 1990s, and they suffer from an illness this country faced in 1998.
The "Putin era" has made the Russians more mature as a nation. Workers have learned to heed reasonable arguments from employers and the government has learned to have a dialogue with civil society. This skill is, indeed, crucial to overcoming the economic downturn and modernising the economy in a non-violent and humane manner.
By Andrei Isayev