The printed version of the programme aired on January 30, 2009
THE HOLY SPIRIT OF COMPETITION
Key topic
SHAKY FOUNDATION
The election of the Patriarch the Russian Orthodox Church proved that, for all its flaws, it was a far more vibrant and democratic organism than the Russian state. The contest for the throne of the Patriarch was far more dramatic than that for the presidency and attracted almost as much interest.
The election of Metropolitan Kirill as Patriarch has met with a mixed reaction: Some say it was a travesty of an election, and others that Kirill won an intense battle that had begun long before Alexy II's death. The few "liberals" within the church claim that the outcome was decided at the Kremlin. On the other hand, Kirill's main rival, Kliment, is known to have the support of church fundamentalists, notably Tikhon, the Father Superior of the Sretensky Monastery, who is thought to be the spiritual mentor of Vladimir Putin and to be close to Igor Sechin, Viktor Ivanov and Vladimir Yakunin. Mr Putin picked Kliment from amongst the church hierarchs to be a member of the Public Chamber. Kliment was said to be a favourite of Svetlana Medvedeva. In short, although Messrs Putin and Medvedev distanced themselves from the election of the Patriarch, Kliment had support at the top.
However, Kirill dominated the media while Kliment preferred backstage intrigues - and lost. The Synod elected Kirill as locum tenens, which was equivalent to being appointed to head up the commission that organises the funeral of the General Secretary of the Communist Party. In addition, Kirill had managed to induce the head of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, Vladimir, who could count on a third of the votes of the delegates of the Church Council (Sobor) (the Ukrainian delegation being the most numerous) to withdraw from the race. Finally, Kirill maneuvered the third candidate, Metropolitan Filaret of Belarus, into withdrawing his candidacy and throw his weight behind Kirill.
Will Kirill become a champion of a strong and independent church claiming the role of the national spiritual leader? It is too soon to make any judgments. But undoubtedly the elections of the Patriarch briefly brought back a sense of public politics.
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WINNERS AND LOSERS OF THE WEEK
The Human Rights Commissioner Vladimir LUKIN is likely to keep his job for another five years now that the President has submitted his candidacy to the Duma.
Mr Lukin has been holding the post since 2004 and saw the role of the national ombudsman gradually diminished. The law On Non-Commercial Organisations was passed over his head and he was not consulted when Vasily Aleksanyan was restrained.
Deputy Speaker of the State Duma Alexander BABAKOV was at the centre of a corruption scandal. Ukrainian commercial entities which the media link with a leader of A Just Russia Party are accused of seizing enterprises in raids in Kiev and other Ukrainian cities. It is unlikely to affect Mr Babakov's political career, but he will become another Duma member barred from entering Ukraine.
Among the winners is the managing director of the Nord Stream project, Matthias WARNIG, nominated for Gazprom's Board of Directors. A former Stasi officer who is thought to know Vladimir Putin well, he has lived in Russia since 1991, initially occupying executive positions at Dresdner Bank before he became the head of Nord Stream in 2006.
Among the losers is Education Minister Andrei FURSENKO. President Medvedev happened to take a look at the Single State Examination test in history and described it as "outrageous". The following multiple choice options were offered as answers to the question, What brought about a turning point in World War II? a). Japan's withdrawal from the war; b). the rift within the anti-Hitler coalition' c). the execution of all the German POWs in the Soviet Union. The Education Ministry later announced that the tests had been officially rejected.
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CONVERSATION WITH AN EXPERT. THE PATRIARCH SETS A SECULAR TONE
Below is a transcript of our conversation with Mark URNOV, Dean of the Political Science Department at the Higher School of Economics.
Q.: Would you agree that the Russian Orthodox Church has proved to be much more of a living organism than the state?
A.: It looks like it. Some church representatives, however, grumble about the procedure. For example, why was the draw neglected?
Q.: How did Kirill himself acquit himself?
A.: As far as I know, he was very active. The signs are that he had the Kremlin's backing. Everybody expects changes in church life, beginning from style: Unlike the late Patriarch, Kirill speaks in a totally secular manner. He is claimed to be more or less liberal. He is also said to be committed to being active in the country's political life. Many don't like it: Kirill is said to have long-time links with the Kremlin and there is a large body of opinion that wants the church to distance itself from the state. Kirill's wish to influence politics splits the church community.
Q.: Can the defeat of Metropolitan Kliment be seen as a sign of the weakening of the siloviki, who have links with the fundamentalists?
A.: The least that can be said is that the score is 0:1 against them. It is hard to predict the developments because the influence of the church on political life - for all its power - should not be overestimated. The conservative wing of the Kremlin group is strong enough to determine the political and economic course. That is what we see happening: the support of financial groups, which in my opinion should not be supported, and continued anti-Western rhetoric. That said, there are some changes afoot and if one looks at the election of the Patriarch in the political context one can say that so far the crisis has had a pacifying impact on the political elite.
Thus, President Medvedev has met with Mikhail Gorbachev and Dmitry Muratov. True, if the protocol pictures had been shown widely on television that would have amounted to a declaration: "Long live the free media". However, a very cautious step in that direction has been taken. Another example. Mr Surkov told the media: We will try to prevent excessive interpretations of criminal articles on espionage, but the authorities are not prepared to allow regional Governors to be elected. That too is a signal. Perhaps these steps would have been less cautious but for the clout wielded by the opposing part of the St Petersburg group. Even so, changes are taking place, most probably due to the cold shower of the economic crisis.
Q.: Does Mr Medvedev understand that in a crisis there should be valves for society to let off steam or does he want to become an independent politician?
A.: It is a bit of both. Of course he wants to be number one not in name only. And he is a different kind of person than Mr Putin. He is sending a message urbi et orbi that some other options are needed. It is also addressed to Europe and the United States, and is designed to demonstrate that we are capable of more or less liberal, albeit cautious, moves. The crisis is grave. In these conditions of course one should seek support abroad and among dissenters and in the media - or else bring down an iron curtain. There are those at the Kremlin who would be quite content with the current situation, but I am not sure Mr Medvedev is one of them.
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You can listen to Vlast programme live on Ekho Moskvy radio station every Friday at 8 p.m. Moscow time.