The editor of Time magazine did not have to explain why he chose Barack Obama as the Man of the Year in 2008, unlike in 2007, when Vladimir Putin held this title. This time, it was the second place winner who gave rise to questions, as many were surprised to discover that it was French President Nicolas Sarkozy. It was harder for him to be the runner-up than for Obama to occupy the top spot. The new U.S. president is more associated with expectations than with real achievements, whereas last year Sarkozy not only had to overcome numerous domestic and foreign policy problems, but also to disprove his negative image in the eyes of many.


Why Nicolas Sarkozy was named the second Man of the Year

The editor of Time magazine did not have to explain why he chose Barack Obama as the Man of the Year in 2008, unlike in 2007, when Vladimir Putin held this title. This time, it was the second place winner who gave rise to questions, as many were surprised to discover that it was French President Nicolas Sarkozy. It was harder for him to be the runner-up than for Obama to occupy the top spot. The new U.S. president is more associated with expectations than with real achievements, whereas last year Sarkozy not only had to overcome numerous domestic and foreign policy problems, but also to disprove his negative image in the eyes of many.

He started his presidency as a complex-free, right-wing Gaullist, a demagogue who juggled with nationalist slogans to win Le Pain's supporters, and a placeman of big business who did not conceal his close personal ties to multi-millionaires or hesitate to spend his vacation on their yachts.

As for his foreign policy orientation, it would make Charles de Gaulle turn over in his grave. An overt NATO supporter, Sarkozy went overseas immediately after his election. He practically wangled an invitation to George W. Bush's ranch, and then told him that he would like to leave the squabble with the United States behind as soon as possible, one that was caused by Jacques Chirac's opposition to U.S. intervention of Iraq. He then declared France's de facto return to NATO and his decision to send more French troops to Afghanistan.

Improvement of relations with the United States was accompanied by the deterioration of ties with Russia (pro-American Sarco told the press during his election campaign that he preferred to shake Bush's rather than Putin's hand). These facts explain why not only Russia but also France's former privileged partners did not expect anything good from its new foreign policy. The Chinese could not forgive the French public humiliation of the Olympic torch carriers because of reprisals in Tibet, while Muslim leaders and Arabs listed him in the category of Israeli lobby placemen once and for all. This, however, turned out to be a hasty judgment.

Real politicians are revealed in times of crisis. As a politician of a European and international scale, Sarkozy has fully revealed himself since last summer, when his turn came to occupy the captain's seat of the European Union. By that time, the European Titanic, which had barely managed to patch up the holes caused by the European Constitution referendums in France and the Netherlands, received another heavy blow. Euro skeptics in Ireland rejected even a compromise draft treaty on the reform of European institutions at their referendum, one that was supposed to keep the EU afloat. During his trip to Dublin, Sarkozy managed to do what he would have not likely achieved at home: the Irish promised to vote again, this time "in the right way."

Last August witnessed the outbreak of a Russian-Georgian war that not only questioned further relations between Russia and the West but also brought back the spirit of the Cold War. Dressed like Batman in the mantle of the EU president, Sarkozy rushed to quench the flames of the conflict. It was his persistence and Henry Kissinger-style shuttle diplomacy that made it possible to channel the armed conflict and propaganda squabbles into political decision-making. His diplomatic adviser said that it was Sarkozy who stopped Putin's hand as it was ready to strike Mikheil Saakashvili. Sarkozy told Putin that if he behaved in Georgia like Bush did in Iraq, he would face the same consequences as Bush. The main merit of the compromise he achieved was that each side could interpret it the way they liked. Importantly, he guaranteed cessation of bloodshed and dangerous escalation.

Then the Euro Hercules was called upon for yet another exploit. This time he had to prop up the toppling edifice of the world economy, and having shaken Putin's and Medvedev's hands, he went to Bush to persuade him to convene a world economic forum without any delay - an extraordinary G20 summit to discuss emergency measures for saving the global financial system.

Sarcozy, an ultra-Liberal and a free market fanatic, accused by the press and the opposition of an intent to impose American Reaganomics on France, immediately turned into a devout Keynesian, competing with Laborite Gordon Brown in involving the state in the protection of jobs and wrathfully rebuking the immorality of "parasitic" financial capitalism.

French newspapers compete in inventing ironic nicknames for the super active leader, calling him "the super President," a "political tornado" and an "ad man for Duracell batteries", but they stopped mocking him for wearing heels to increase his height when summing up the year's results. The Point magazine even put a portrait of him in Napoleon's triangular hat on the cover. Having sympathized with the President over the end of his EU presidency, the anchor of a satirical puppet program asked, "What should I wish you in the new year?" The Sarkozy puppet replied instantly, "A couple of global disasters, so that I can keep myself busy." "Well, you may rest assured about that." His prediction came true.

When Israel launched its December offensive, Sarkozy was on Christmas vacation in Brazil. He went there having given the EU helm to his Czech successor. However, even without formal powers, Sarkozy did not remove his triangular hat. He has more than one responsibility. He urged the formation of the Union for the Mediterranean and became its Co-Chairman, on a par with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. In this capacity, he arrived in the Middle East and persuaded his Egyptian colleague to make a proposal on an immediate ceasefire. Working to stop the bloodshed in the Gaza Strip, Sarkozy did not forget about the domestic situation. France has Europe's biggest Jewish and Muslim communities and is continuously threatened with the import of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into its own territory. Although many skeptics in France and beyond predicted failure, Sarkozy's trip produced results. A joint French-Egyptian proposal became the foundation for the UN Security Council's resolution and a foundation for a potential compromise between Israel, Egypt, and Palestinians.

Why is his personal diplomacy so successful? At first glance, it seems that its main feature is pragmatism free of any ideological stereotypes, even bordering on opportunism. It is important to remember that a splash of Sarkozy's foreign policy activity as the European political leader coincided with the scheduled eclipse of U.S. diplomacy - the election campaign and change of presidents in the United States.

Sarkozy's principle is as follows: "Just because it's difficult doesn't mean it's not worth dealing with." It does not guarantee results but at least repudiates apathy and the status quo. However, even when combined with his indisputable personal energy and ambitions, this principle does not explain his success. Apparently, what also matters is that he reflects the striving of the EU, a new player, to come to the fore of global politics. As a result of the collapse of the Iron Curtain, it was Europe that not only restored its unity but also ceased being held hostage to the rivalry of the two superpowers and received a chance for an independent role.

Europe will only lose from a return to the logic of confrontation. A new war in the Middle East threatens to set fire to whole districts in London and Paris, while the transformation of the Caucasus and the rest of the post-Soviet space into another Balkans is no less frightening than the danger of losing steady Russian gas supplies. Making shuttle trips between Moscow and Tbilisi, Washington and Cairo, the French President upheld European interests.

It seems that the personal features of this atypical French politician also play a role. He has French, Hungarian, Jewish, and Greek roots. His wife is Italian, and her father lives in Brazil and composes songs for British lyrics. Does this not make him a symbol of the new Europe?

Paris

* * *

French newspapers compete in inventing ironic nicknames for the super active leader, calling him "the super President," a "political tornado", and an "ad man for Duracell batteries", but they stopped mocking him for wearing heels to increase his height when summing up the year's results.