Yevgeny Grigoryev
Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel's day planner, published on her website, includes a meeting with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin scheduled for today. The conversation between the two leaders will take place at 4 pm CET and finish with a joint news conference.
During a conversation with foreign journalists recently, Vladimir Putin mentioned Dresden among the German cities he planned to visit. He was also invited to the traditional ball at the famous Semper Opera House that will take place on Saturday. Yesterday, however, before this issue was published, it was still not quite clear if the Russian Prime Minister would time to do this during the financial crisis.
The latter definitely outshines Green Week, an agriculture exhibition displaying products of 1,600 participants from 56 countries, among them Russia. Mr Putin was going to attend the exhibition; perhaps he will share his impressions at a meeting with the Chancellor. Still, it is clear that gas will be the key issue at the meeting.
Firstly, Germany is the largest European buyer and consumer of Russian gas, accounting for 37% of the country's demand. Although Germany also buys gas from the Netherlands and Norway and has its own large gas storages, it also suffers from the cut-offs (though less than Slovakia or Bulgaria).
According to the Moscow department of the E.ON Ruhrgas company, about 80% of gas supplied to Germany goes through Ukraine, and only 20% through Belarus and Poland. Thus, Germany is highly interested in the fast settlement of the transit conflict.
It is not a coincidence that the idea of international monitoring of Russian gas supplies was suggested by Chancellor Angela Merkel. The plan was implemented, but the problem concerning ensuring control by international observers and organising their work remains.
Secondly, Moscow and Berlin have special gas relations. Russia and Germany were the pioneers of this business in Europe. In the 1970s, they signed the Gas-Pipes agreement and built the first gas pipeline, and in 1973, commenced supplies to the Waidhaus gas storage facility. German energy companies have shares in Gazprom and Russian gas fields. As Gazprom's partners, they have been implementing the ambitious Nord Stream project in the Baltic Sea. In other words, the issues of gas supplies and energy security are always present in Russian-German relations and talks.
Discussing the financial crisis, some German mass media traditionally blame Russia. For example, the Welt newspaper writes, "Russia turns whole economies into political hostages". Other media again call for "reducing dependence" on Russian energy and diversification of supplies. This time, however, many German newspapers are trying to avoid common clichés. They write about Kiev's responsibility for the gas crisis and attract attention to Ukrainian Government infighting. Some media recall the idea of the international consortium, which could rent the Ukrainian gas pipeline system. They also note the practicability of the construction of the Baltic Pipeline from Russia to Germany.
As for official Berlin, it generally maintains a reserved position in the Russian-Ukrainian gas conflict. Not advertising Germany's activity, Ms Merkel constantly discusses the situation with both Moscow and Kiev. Germany believes that the parties involved in the conflict should begin talks to resume supplies to Europe as soon as possible, and maintains contact with the Czech Republic, which holds the EU presidency, in relation to the control over Russian supplies to Ukraine. Germany is showing no intention to sue Gazprom, however.
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Berlin shows no intention to sue Gazprom