Alisa Vedenskaya, Alexandra Samarina, Ivan Rodin
The much-touted purge of the ruling party has been put on hold due to the financial crisis, which allegedly makes it necessary for UR to close its ranks. Experts attribute it to the growing in-fighting among the elites for control of the party and the country's political future. Meanwhile, United Russia is under the watchful eye of its leader: the deputies will now have to give an account of what they did during the period allocated for trips to the regions.
The fight for control
Nezavisimaya Gazeta has learned that the process of personnel reshuffling in the party, urged by Prime Minister Vladimir Putin back in April when he agreed to become the party's leader, will be postponed because of the party's need to concentrate on combating the crisis.
The United Russia Congress elected a new General Council and its Presidium, but no sensational personnel changes took place. All the key figures have kept their jobs. True, a high-ranking source does not rule out a personnel reshuffle, but only if the need arises "to make the party work more effectively during the crisis period".
The decision, though not very logical (the crisis is an excellent pretext for cutting out deadwood) is a telltale sign. Experts interviewed by NG claim that the Kremlin will not transform UR just yet. This is important for Mr Putin, who, according to Nikolai Petrov of the Carnegie Moscow Centre, "exercises some of the powers he previously wielded as President, for example, picking governors, through United Russia. It will be recalled that the transfer of the authority to nominate candidates for governor to the winning party was an initiative President Dmitry Medvedev proposed in his Address to the Federal Assembly.
It will be noted that final renunciation of the planned purge (which was more rhetoric than real action anyway) coincides with the information NG received from State Duma deputy Alexander Moskalets, who is worried about the fact that presidential anti-corruption laws are meeting with obstacles. "The anti-corruption package is far more serious than any purge," Nikolai Petrov told NG, adding, "This is an issue over which heads are butting." The expert does not think it is a clash between liberals and conservatives: "Any package of laws, especially anti-corruption laws, creates an opportunity for changing the balance of forces between different clans, and it is important who controls the situation. Who can grow stronger under the banner of fighting corruption and at whose expense? A lot of horse-trading and very serious competition among different elite groups are inevitable."
Mr Petrov does not rule out that all these changes of mood in the top echelons and hasty amendments to the Constitution may preclude an early election: "In that case, United Russia should be groomed for such an eventuality. It stands to reason that some regrouping will take place, because UR is, on the one hand, entering its own parliamentary elections, and on the other hand, Mr Putin needs it if he is to run for President. Since no elections seem to be in the making, it means that the Kremlin has not yet made up its mind about the timing; this is either connected with the crisis, or signals that there is very fierce competition between different groups for control of United Russia - if, that is, it is being transformed into a real political party."
Mr Putin enforces discipline
It looks as if UR is evolving into a real political party. The party's leadership today is focused on monitoring the social and economic situation in the regions, developing an anti-crisis strategy and coming up with new PR ideas in order to maintain its high rating. Instead of renewing its cadre, United Russia has been called on to upgrade party discipline. Addressing the 10th Congress of United Russia, Mr Putin linked the party's future with the prospect of the country coping with the crisis. To recap, the party that wins the regional elections will be involved in nominating candidates for governor. Thus, United Russia will have to ensure its political survival by inventing some new PR ploys.
Immediately after the Congress, Boris Gryzlov, Chairman of the Bureau of the UR Supreme Council, released an appeal to the members of UR in parliament. For the first time in the history of the Duma, the deputies who are spending this week in the regions will have to submit reports to Speaker Gryzlov on the work they did within three days of their return from the regions. It is unlikely that the Speaker will look at all 315 reports (the number of UR MPs), but deputies will think twice before swapping a trip to the region for a short holiday on the Canary Islands.
Some deputies are skeptical about the so-called meetings with the constituencies, especially if their colleagues do it during the time when the State Duma holds its sessions and passes laws. For example, First Deputy Chairman of the Duma Constitutional Law Committee Alexander Moskalets has lashed out his colleagues, including fellow party members. "Why does a deputy have to go to the regions so frequently, what difference can his visits make?" Mr Moskalets asked rhetorically in conversation with our correspondent. He doubts that such visits are worth the traveling expenses that are underwritten by the federal budget. "The most he can do is cut some kind of red ribbon and have his picture taken side by side with the governor - that's all." And yet air tickets from Moscow to Russian regions cost thousands and even tens of thousands of roubles, the further from the capital, the more they cost.
Duma members from other parties are even more critical of the regional activities of United Russia deputies. They doubt that many UR deputies have visited their regions at least once after being elected to the lower house in December 2007, or when they campaigned for Mr Medvedev. Deputy Chairman of the Duma State Development Committee, Viktor Ilyukhin, told NG: "Of the 315 UR deputies, at least a hundred go not to the Russian regions during ‘regional week', but to other places where they have their villas and yachts." The Communist deputy said that even those UR deputies who do go to the regions they are in charge of "visit mainly the governor and other bosses, walking the carpeted corridors and seldom meeting with the common people".
Deputy Chairman of the Duma Security Committee, Gennady Gudkov, (A Just Russia Party) is sure that the fifth Duma is "the weakest parliament Russia has had in the last 15 years". This is why the abolition of elections in single-mandate constituencies "greatly undermined the real link between the deputies and the people". Now, says Mr Gudkov, only deputies who were earlier elected in these constituencies actually work with people. Nevertheless, he said, "I assure you that all United Russia deputies will duly write their reports, as they can easily do it without leaving Moscow."
In his opinion, such meetings with constituencies "for the sake of checking off an event" have minimised the influence of deputies. "It doesn't matter whether a deputy goes to the region or anywhere else, he cannot solve any problems anyway; the most he can do is attend a meeting in the governor's office or meet a city mayor, that's all," Mr Gudkov believes.
While strengthening discipline in their own ranks, United Russia will concentrate on monitoring pre-strike sentiments of discontent and the behaviour of the enterprise owners and employers. "We should stand alongside those who are in a difficult situation", says the head of the UR Executive Committee, Andrei Vorobyov.
